PM Modi’s sharp focus on ‘appeasement’ (read alleged pandering to minority hardliners by ‘secular’ opponents), corruption, and nepotism appeared to have hit the targets in different theatres.
The strength of Brand Modi is evident even in Telangana where the party enhanced its tally and, more crucially, vote share, raising questions whether BJP erred in delaying the organisational changes it made as well as the hope that the result will lay the foundation for a better yield in Lok Sabha results.
The optimism is not limited to Telangana and may not appear excessively extravagant considering that Modi’s enduring appeal is likely to be a bigger factor when he himself will be in the fray. The identification of achievements — from free foodgrain and vaccination to growth and successful conduct of G-20 — which appear to have rubbed off on BJP’s campaigns in states, may be of bigger help in the LS polls because of the direct associational factor.The build-up to the election is set to see the party using its status as the incumbent to sharpen its welfare plank through measures like increase in the stipend under Kisan Samman and by enhancing health insurance coverage, by securing its flanks against possible vulnerabilities like the demand for a return to the old pension scheme, and by building upon the advantages it has got in the Ram Mandir and the ‘ready-to-roll out’ CAA, as well as the implementation of the Uniform Civil Code in Uttarakhand.
Thanks to the comfortable fiscal situation, it also has room to play to diverse constituencies: from the middle class to those trying to break into the same bracket. The result means a loss of the sheen Congress had acquired post-Karnataka, and questions about the effectiveness of its style and tactics. The targeting of the PM over the Adani Group turned out to be a flop show, and may encourage those within the party who were wary of the obsession to articulate their misgivings.
They also spell an upheaval in the ranks of the INDIA bloc partners, some of whom may use Congress’s discomfiture to insist on a bigger say in the alliance’s functioning.
The chaos can only work to BJP’s advantage, meaning that Modi now looks closer than ever to equalling Nehru’s record of three consecutive terms as PM. The achievement in his case may look even bigger because unlike Nehru, who represented the mainstream, Modi arrived as an outsider and is having to operate in a far more competitive milieu and era.
The strength of Brand Modi is evident even in Telangana where the party enhanced its tally and, more crucially, vote share, raising questions whether BJP erred in delaying the organisational changes it made as well as the hope that the result will lay the foundation for a better yield in Lok Sabha results.
The optimism is not limited to Telangana and may not appear excessively extravagant considering that Modi’s enduring appeal is likely to be a bigger factor when he himself will be in the fray. The identification of achievements — from free foodgrain and vaccination to growth and successful conduct of G-20 — which appear to have rubbed off on BJP’s campaigns in states, may be of bigger help in the LS polls because of the direct associational factor.The build-up to the election is set to see the party using its status as the incumbent to sharpen its welfare plank through measures like increase in the stipend under Kisan Samman and by enhancing health insurance coverage, by securing its flanks against possible vulnerabilities like the demand for a return to the old pension scheme, and by building upon the advantages it has got in the Ram Mandir and the ‘ready-to-roll out’ CAA, as well as the implementation of the Uniform Civil Code in Uttarakhand.
Thanks to the comfortable fiscal situation, it also has room to play to diverse constituencies: from the middle class to those trying to break into the same bracket. The result means a loss of the sheen Congress had acquired post-Karnataka, and questions about the effectiveness of its style and tactics. The targeting of the PM over the Adani Group turned out to be a flop show, and may encourage those within the party who were wary of the obsession to articulate their misgivings.
They also spell an upheaval in the ranks of the INDIA bloc partners, some of whom may use Congress’s discomfiture to insist on a bigger say in the alliance’s functioning.
The chaos can only work to BJP’s advantage, meaning that Modi now looks closer than ever to equalling Nehru’s record of three consecutive terms as PM. The achievement in his case may look even bigger because unlike Nehru, who represented the mainstream, Modi arrived as an outsider and is having to operate in a far more competitive milieu and era.