Congress: Cracks in Congress ship show up in battle, sink prospects | India News

Deep-seated tensions and divisions persisted within the ruling Congress in Chhattisgarh even as it notched up one bypoll victory after another following the 2018 win, touching a figure of 71 MLAs. In 2023 though, the cracks played a big role in sinking the ship.
There was a constant battle of one-upmanship among leaders, including a very public tussle between CM Bhupesh Bagheland health minister (and later deputy CM) T S Singhdeo.A major flashpoint was a tussle over the CM’s chair midway into the term, with Singhdeo camping in Delhi to meet the party high command amid rumours of a purported formula of a change of guard after 2.5 years. Baghel’s supporters flew down to Delhi in a show of strength at AICC headquarters. The tussle subsided but the scars remained. Singhdeo conveyed his displeasure over several issues from time to time.
In the run-up to the election, Baghel’s social media managers coined a slogan, “Bhupesh Hai to Bharosa Hai”. Posters came up all over the state. Later, these were replaced by ‘Congress Sarkar, Bharose ka Sarkar’ as the party leadership tried to put up a united face.
Insiders say bagel and his core team used every opportunity to marginalise other leaders. Mohan Markam, state Congress chief, was replaced with another tribal, Deepak Baij, three months before the polls. Markam was accommodated in the cabinet but another tribal leader, Prem Sai Singh Tekam, close to Singhdeo, was dropped for this.

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Chief war strategist Amit Shah pushed for 'winning habit' | India News

The results on Sunday may have come as a surprise to many, but not to home minister Amit Shah who was crucial to the party’s successful effort in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. A day after Diwali, he had told TOI in an interview that BJP would win all three states in the Hindi heartland – an assertion that was mocked by opposition parties and their known sympathisers who accused him of being boastful and unrealistic.
Shah’s confidence, in fact, stemmed from the hundreds of hours he spent talking to party workers toiling on the ground and he, the results show, certainly knew what he was talking about.It was sometime in the end of July, when Congress was perceived to be enjoying an upper hand in Madhya Pradesh, thatShah flew in to Indore just to meet party workers.

Watch: BJP workers in Delhi celebrate massive win in Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh polls

During the closed-door meeting, party insiders told TOI, Shah raised the issue of BJP falling short of Congress’s tally in 2018 and said that the party could post its biggest ever win if it approaches with a gameplan. He said that the party had in 2018 fallen short by seven seats, and although it managed to increase its vote share, it demoralised party workers across the country.

“Why did we lose? The gains from our wins in Assam and Manipur, which were like a desert for us, were less than the impact of the loss in MP,” sources quoted him telling BJP functionaries, while repeatedly underlining the importance the state played in BJP’s bid to retain its control across crucial states. He told partymen that BJP’s ride to Parliament must pass through Gujarat, Rajasthan, UP, MP, Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra.
Like a cricket team captain, Shah suggested party workers bury the past and seek to get into a winning habit if BJP had to remain in power for long.
“We have to work with only one mission – to win every seat in our district,” he said while exhorting workers to move in a calculated manner, like a battle formation. He wanted party workers to deliver a simple message – “meri sarkar achhi sarkar” (my government is a good government). The idea was to list out achievements and counter anti-incumbency, and for 120 days till counting was over.
Shah’s style is like that of a general who does not feel shy of getting workers to repeat the message during internal meetings and listing out the minutest detail – from convening meetings of grassroots level functionaries to increased focus on booths, where the party did not fare very well. Party workers at every level in the chain were given specific tasks and the results were monitored closely.
From selection of candidates to poll strategy and calibrating the approach, the former party president was in the thick of action.
Between September and mid-November, Shah held 33 meetings in the state, setting the stage for PM Narendra Modi to launch the offensive and deliver BJP’s best show in 20 years.
In neighbouring Chhattisgarh, where almost all pollsters had declared Congress the victor, Shah was confident of a BJP victory all along, addressing a dozen events in the state where BJP emphatically returned to office after being ousted five years ago. The focus on the two states was in addition to the active campaigning he did in Rajasthan and Telangana. While Shah attended a dozen meetings in Rajasthan, there were 23 he attended in the southern state, where BJP significantly improved its tally.

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Congress fails to rice to the occasion

The Congress government had hoped to reap a rich harvest of its higher paddy procurement price. Its poll strategy revolved around this and its rural welfare schemes. And, this is where it bit the dust. Paddy support price and bonus are considered the bedrock of politics in Chhattisgarh as the fertile central plains account for 64 of the 90 assembly seats. In 2018, Congress had propped it up as its main poll plank, promising Rs 2,500 per quintal, and storming to power.
The irony is that the Baghel government kept its promise – it just couldn’t keep up with BJP as it set the narrative.The Baghel government supplemented the Centre’s MSP with an agriculture input subsidy and paid Rs 2,500 per quintal to more than 24 lakh farmers. In an interview, Baghel had told TOI: “Our focus is on farmers because over 60% of the population depends on agriculture. Our state serves as a model for rejuvenating farming, and we hope this approach inspires other states to work for farmers.”
This time, the Baghel government pledged Rs 3,200 per quintal, which was Rs 100 more than what BJP promised in its manifesto. But PM Modi, in rally after rally, promised that “every gain produced by farmers” would be purchased under MSP. The BJP said it would procure 21 quintals per acre – 1 quintal more than what the Congress promised. It negated the higher price offered by Congress.
Slowly, a new wind had begun blowing through the paddy fields, but Congress failed to see it.

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BJP may consider caste count on own terms | India News

With a big win under its belt, it is to be seen how BJP reacts to the opposition demand for a caste censusgiven the possibility it can now accommodate the sensitive issue without coming across as working under opposition pressure.
BJP has the policy opening to order the second edition of the Socio-Economic CasteCensus (SECC), first done in 2011. With a mix of caste enumeration and poverty parameters, the nationwide survey was to reveal caste details of the country besides mapping poverty of rural households.But theSECC date on caste was never processed, amid complaints that there were flaws in the details collected.
There have been serious demands from policymakers in the past for SECC-2, as the details of households about their economic status and assets collected 12 years ago are dated. Most targeted welfare measures and development schemes of the government are based on the household details provided by the SECC.
Politically, the SECC is a milder version of caste mapping, that would avoid bringing it in the decennial census and thereby not clash with inhouse BJP reservations that it would antagonise the upper castes. The decennial census, which was to take place in 2021, is also pending.
After the INDIA alliance unveiled caste census as one of their key demands/promises, and Bihar followed it up by making public details of its own survey, there has been speculation about how BJP would react. While PM Modi has said the only caste in the country is of poor, and later added four social demographics – women, farmers, youth and poor – as what he considers caste, its reality in the heartland cannot be ignored.
BJP would have been chary to work on caste census under pressure from the opposition alliance, as it would have appeared to be reacting, and would have given the authorship of the issue to the rivals. Now, having swept the three states despite the aggressive Congress focus on caste census, BJP, many believe, can seek to gain the upper hand on the issue, especially because rivals like RJD-JD(U) and SP are insisting on it in Bihar and UP.

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Opposition front on back foot, Congress may be forced down the order

The INDIA alliance has called a meeting on December 6 to revive consultations stalled by the Congress focus on assembly polls, amid a realisation that the grand old party’s rout in the Hindi heartland has seriously weakened its potential to challenge BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.
Congress is set to be diminished in its ability to dictate terms and seek a better seat-sharing formula in states where regional parties have primacy, while its own claim of revival to deliver seats from heartland states would be rebuffed by partners.It may also come under pressure to relinquish the leadership role, which it had come to assume after its win in Karnataka.

State Assembly poll results 2023: What the results mean for Congress and India alliance

This sets up the INDIA bloc for animated discussions this week. Yet a chastened Congress would not be bad news for many allies like SP, JD(U), TMC and NCP. They will relish Congress’ misery and seek to nudge it to a line of their liking. It would be interesting to see how TMC pushes Congress on its alliance with CPM in Bengal. While Congress has stonewalled calls by AAP for a deal in Delhi and Punjab, how it reacts now is to be seen.

The changed situation is likely to speed up seat-sharing talks and force their early culmination among INDIA bloc partners.
The allies had sought a seat-sharing deal by September 30, according to a member of the alliance. But Congress delayed talks as it was confident of its chances in the five states, especially in straight fights with BJP in MP and Chhattisgarh. It had felt a good show would give it leverage to demand a better share in Bihar, UP and Maharashtra. Such expectations are sure to come apart now. The resentment against the Congress attitude was evident when, on Sunday, ‘s results, JD(U) spokesperson K C Tyagi said, “Congress never invited or consulted any of its allies though socialist parties have historically had a presence in these states.”

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Shocker for Congress on tribal turf; BJP sweeps Bastar and Surguja | India News

The biggest blow for the Congress came in the tribal-dominated areas of the state. In the Bastar belt, BJP won eight of the 12 seats after being reduced to zero in the previous election. It also made a clean sweep of the tribal-dominated Surguja region of Chhattisgarh, winning all the 14 seats that the Congress had secured in the 2018 assembly polls.
Those who bit the dust included Chhattisgarh deputy chief minister TS Singhdeo, who lost his Ambikapur seat.Singhdeo, the present maharaja of the Surguja estate, was a potential contender for chief ministership this time.
The 14 seats from Surguja contributed in a big way to the Congress securing a three-fourths majority in the 2018 polls. Nine out of the 14 seats in the Surguja region are reserved for STs – Bharatpur-Sonhat, Pratappur, Ramanujganj, Samri, Lundra, Sitapur, Jashpur, Kunkuri and Pathalgaon.
After the drubbing they received in 2018, BJP leaders and RSS cadres got active in the tribal belt, raising issues of alleged religious conversion that had triggered conflicts in Narayanpur and neighbouring areas in the past. Additionally, it appears that the opposition party successfully tapped into the anti-incumbency sentiment against several Congress legislators, pointing out that they had not been able to deliver anything for local development.
In certain pockets of Bastar, where tribals joining Christianity had faced violence, Congress was perceived to have not extended a healing touch. It cost the ruling party.
Prominent Congress leaders who fell by the wayside include Pradesh Congress chief Deepak Baij and former state Congress president Mohan Markam.

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Scindia plays match-winning knock - Times of India

In the political battlefield, Jyotiraditya Scindia has emerged as the lynchpin, orchestrating a match-winning performance that not only secured his political fate but also steered BJP to triumph. The victory carries a unique sweetness for Scindia, whose strategic moves played a pivotal role in the decisive win.

Jyotiraditya Scindia: ‘BJP will form government in Madhya Pradesh’

Facing pressure, Scindia’s significance extended beyond personal ambitions.The outcome also determined the fate of the loyalists who followed him from Congress into BJP, even though some of his aides were defeated. The party’s faith in him – from an RS seat to Union cabinet berths – has been rewarded . In his home turf Gwalior, where the tussle was intense, Scindia’s strategic acumen was put to the test. The landscape saw a shift, with BJP securing only two of the six seats in Gwalior, a stark contrast to Scindia’s previous influence. BJP won 18 of the 34 Gwalior-Chambal seats, where other leaders like Narottam Singh Tomar also hold sway. When Scindia was with Congress, the party won 26 seats and he was credited for it.

Scindia’s road to victory was riddled with personal attacks against him, including one on his height by Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. Scindia maintained his calm and countered them with one memorable remark: “There is a saying: ‘jhooth bole kauwa kaate’. I am the ‘kala kauwa’ for Congress.” The repercussions of the attacks were felt swiftly.

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Spirit-sapping Congress loss puts question mark over Lok Sabha chances | India News

Six months after it beat BJP in Karnataka to triumphant celebrations, the Congress rout in the Hindi heartland has put a reality check on the party’s belief about a revival after the prolonged post-2014 stasis, with little hope for the future just months away from the Lok Sabha elections.
Confident about its prospects in MP and Chhattisgarhand optimistic about Rajasthan, the leadership was learnt to be crestfallen at the outcome.The funereal mood put the otherwise ‘rising-from-the-ashes’ victory in Telangana in the shade, with the question being “what now?”

Assembly Polls Results : From Congress washout in Hindi heartland to end of KCR’s national ambitions

The three defeats are spirit-sapping for Congress, not merely because they come ahead of the 2024 national contest, but because they have revived the ghosts that have haunted the party after the advent of Narendra Modi – its struggles in the Hindi heartland, concern about polarisation and absence of an agenda to counter BJP. While the 2018 December sweep of the three states was a booster ahead of the last Lok Sabha polls, it did not appear a durable repair of the party’s lost appeal as a Pulwama-powered BJP limited Congress to just 3 seats out of the 65 there. With Ayodhya, the new variable about to explode in the political mix, Congress’s assembly defeat has raised the worst fears about the future.

For Rahul Gandhi, a big personal challenge awaits. The elevation of a non-Gandhi president in Mallikarjun Kharge brought about a new decision-maker in Congress, but Rahul has remained the party face, the ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’ adding to his appeal among workers and sympathisers. On his part, he led the chorus of optimism about revival after the Karnataka win, but would find it difficult to retain the momentum in the wake of Sunday’s reality check or to find a new rallying call. It is a return of the existential dilemma for a Congress which has over the last decade had a larger footprint in the South than in North.
While the Modi appeal-polarisation combo has proved a difficult hump for Congress to overcome, its now-misplaced confidence tricked the party into reviving fears of a unilateral and domineering Congress among the allies, barely months after forming the INDIA union. With little time for improvisation, Congress would have to settle for a diminished bargain in states with primacy of allies, without coming across as contributing much in its strongholds that have a ‘BJP vs Congress’ bipolarity. It would be a big test to come across as a genuine player in the anti-BJP coalition, where many hostile partners would feed off its misery.
A bigger conundrum for Congress is the agenda to reinvent itself. The party toyed with “guarantee”- oriented populism and even swung to the Mandal side with combative advocacy of a caste census, but a question would be raised on their efficacy in the wake of BJP’s sweep, especially in a state like MP where anti-incumbency against BJP made them a combination to benefit from. A few in-house voices blaming the caste census as too radical and inimical for a traditionally inclusive party are likely to be heard, which will only create further confusion on a policy which was recently endorsed by CWC.

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Modi Guarantee: Modi guarantee in, Gehlot warranty out | India News

It was ‘Modi ki guarantee’ and not Congress’s welfare promises that resonated with the electorate as BJP returned to office in Rajasthanwinning 115 of the state’s 200 seats.
The party emerged triumphant, weaving a compelling narrative intertwining diverse elements – youth concerns, crime, corruption – that were skillfully communicated to voters. While BJP capitalised on its sharp messaging, Congress faced challenges that proved insurmountable.
The results on Sunday solidified Modi’s position as the party’s winning mascot. Congress’s attempt to break the anti-incumbency trend faltered against Modi’s guarantees and BJP’s relentless focus on Congress’s failures.
Modi, unity, resonance: Modi stood as the pivotal figure for BJP, dispelling any concern about ‘sidelining’ party stalwarts. The PM’s connect trumped the Congress manifesto that was loaded with welfare schemes.
The acknowledgment of Modi’s leadership by ‘sidelined’ former CM Vasundhara Raje also cemented that there was no dispute on who the face of the campaign was.
Meanwhile, Congress faced internal strife, notably the unresolved differences between chief minister Ashok Gehlot and his former deputy Sachin Pilot, despite attempts to project unity. The failure to address this internal discord led to disgruntlement among the Gujjar community and disillusioned a significant section of the youth demography. In a post on X, Raje said, “This victory is of the victory of the PM Modi’s mantra of ‘sabka saath, sabka vikas, sabka vishwas, and sabka prayaas’… It is a victory that will ensure that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is re-elected in 2024…”
Anti-incumbency factor: Congress faced an uphill battle against the longstanding anti-incumbency trend in Rajasthan, with voters traditionally ousting the ruling party every five years. The grand old party also struggled to counter perceptions of bureaucratic influence hindering ministerial responsiveness to public grievances.
The ‘Chiranjeevi Bhav’ health insurance scheme and a Rs 10,000 dole to women heads of families failed to resonate with voters. Congress’s flagship schemes could not stand against Modi’s ‘guarantees’ and BJP’s narrative.
Messaging and strategy: BJP effectively communicated the mantra of ‘sabka saath, sabka vishwas, and sabka prayaas’, emphasising Modi’s inclusive governance approach. The party’s focus on issues like law and order, corruption, and the failures of the Congress government during campaigning struck a chord with voters. In sharp contrast, Congress leadership admitted its failure in effectively communicating its plans, schemes and innovations to the masses.
Beheading and crime: The beheading of Kanhaiya Lal by two Muslim radicals became a game-changer for BJP. Modi, Amit Shah, Yogi Adityanath, and Himanta Biswa Sarma strategically emphasised such incidents. Meanwhile, Congress grappled with rising crime rate. High-profile incidents, such as the death of a woman during a purse-snatching bid and a fatal altercation over parking space, tarnished the party’s image. BJP hammered away at Congress’s inability to maintain law and order and the allegations swayed voters. CM Gehlot said on X, “…Modi and Amit Shah incited people in the name of religion… I had expected the people of the state would take revenge on BJP leaders, but it did not happen…”

Rajasthan Elections: Congress aims to break historical pattern as BJP seeks a comeback

Paper leaks and youth: The question paper leaks affecting 14 recruitment exams attempted by more than 70 lakh youngsters became a focal point of the saffron party’s campaign. BJP leveraged the issue to showcase Congress’s ‘incompetence and mishandling’. The party’s narrative of a ‘state-sponsored’ paper mafia resonated, and fielding Upen Yadav, the poster boy of the paper leak protests, as a candidate also reaffirmed BJP’s alignment with youth concerns.
Corruption vs vikaas: The discovery of cash and gold in the Rajasthan secretariat exposed corruption within the Gehlot government. Graft allegations against top officials fuelled discontent, making corruption a central issue in the elections. While BJP made the most out of the issue and kept hammering its ‘vikaas’ agenda at rallies, Congress overlooked resentment against its legislators embroiled in graft cases and their alleged connections to mafias
The party’s failure to address these complaints eroded its standing among voters. In a post on scial media, BJP’s Gajendra Singh Shekhawats aid, “The magician’s ‘magic’ has ended and Rajasthan has come out from under his spell. People voted for the honour of women and for the welfare of the poor… They have voted to throw the corrupt Congress out.”

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Raman Singh: Raman effect, but BJP may go for tribal or OBC face | India News

BJP vice-president and three-time chief minister Raman Singh is seen as a front-runner for the top post, which would be his fourth term in office, but the party may well look for a fresh face.
The soft-spoken Ayurveda practitioner is known for his gentle manners and administrative acumen, and is the BJP’s most-recognisable face in the state.
In 2018, the party had suffered a shock defeat in the state under Singh’s watch.Despite murmurs within a section of the BJP about the end of his political innings, Singh remained active and would make his voice heard on every failure and misstep of the Congress government.
In conversations, formal and informal, he would assert that he was determined to bring BJP back to power in the state. The 71-year-old BJP leader retained his Rajnandgaon constituency by a comfortable margin, and looks to be the favoured choice for the chief minister’s job again.
However, the BJP may opt for someone new – a tribal or someone from the OBC community which voted overwhelmingly for the saffron camp. If BJP looks for a tribal face, Vishnu Deo Sai, a former Union minister and state BJP president, looks like the frontrunner. However, considering the fact that the BJP tried to woo the dominant OBC Sahu community by fielding 11 Sahu candidates, state BJP president Arun Sao is also a strong contender for the chair.
Vishnu Deo Sai won from Kunkuri (ST) constituency in north Chhattisgarh while Sao had an overwhelming victory in Lormi constituency of Bilaspur.
With BJP winning all 14 seats in the tribal Surguja region, Union minister Renuka Singh Sarpota is also in the limelight. She won the Bharatpur-Sonhat (ST) constituency, and fits into the BJP’s narrative of women’s empowerment.
There is also speculation in party circles that 42-year-old IAS officer-turned-politician O P Choudhary could be drafted for an important role, as Union home minister Amit Shah had publicly said during the Raigarh campaign: “You elect him (Choudhary) as an MLA; it’s my job to make him a big person.”

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Modi's magic run sets him up to equal Nehru's record | India News

Ek akela kitno par bhaari” (one person proving too much for many) – the line PM Narendra Modi used in Rajya Sabha last year – was endorsed by the Hindi heartland on Sunday with three states delivering overwhelming mandates in favour of BJP, which contested the polls with Modi as the central figure and no state leader projected as the party face.
BJP’s slogan for Madhya Pradesh, “MP ke mann mein Modi”, became its template in other states too as it went with the “collective leadership” strategy, which proved decisive.The results are also seen as a vote for “Modi ki guarantee” – the tagline used by the party as well as the PM to counter Congress’s guarantees in its manifesto.

The PM used “Modi ki guarantee” for the first time during the unveiling of Bharat Mandapam, setting the tone for the state polls as the phrase was used by party leaders to emphasise Modi’s promises were pragmatic and deliverable. The polls have shown people lay greater store by Modi’s guarantees than the “slew of “guarantees” pledged by Congress.

It also showed people continue to believe in Modi and see him as a beacon of trust, hope and credibility, a positive signal for the party ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha polls as Modi gets set for a chance to equal Jawaharlal Nehru‘s record of three straight stints as PM. “The election results of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh are showing that the people of India have faith only in the politics of good governance and development and their faith in the BJP remains intact,” the PM said in a post on X, making a special mention of women as “mothers, sisters, daughters” and our young voters, for “showering their love, trust and blessings on BJP”.
Modi said the country was moving forward with the goal of a developed India. “We neither have to stop nor get tired. We have to make India victorious. Today, together, we have taken a strong step in this direction,” he said.
The PM addressed 14 rallies in MP and reached out to young voters, reminding them of failures of Congress regimes as he doubled down on development. BJP’s campaign theme ‘MP ke mann mein Modi, Modi ke mann mein MP’ received wide acceptance.
In other states too, the PM campaigned rigorously and not only touched upon national issues but state-specific ones. In Rajasthan, he addressed 14 rallies and took out two roadshows and spoke at five rallies in Chhattisgarh.
Faced with Congress’s push for caste census, the PM highlighted welfare schemes and said the poor, youth, women and farmers were the biggest castes for him.
While measures for these groups have helped BJP, Modi’s focus on women’s empowerment schemes has turned women into strong supporters as witnessed in Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh where they resoundingly voted for BJP.
Another factor which played in BJP’s favour was the attack on Sanatan Dharma by DMK and Congress’s silence on the matter. The PM focused on this in poll speeches, and this seems to have connected with voters. Even as Sanatan Dharma came under attack, cultural rejuvenation under Modi has found admirers across India. This will be further cemented with the Ram Mandir.
Watch PM Modi at BJP HQ | BJP Wins Rajasthan, MP, Chhattisgarh | PM Modi Addresses BJP Workers

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Mama rides Ladli Behna goodwill, emerges as voters' ladla again

When the BJP parliamentary board named Shivraj Singh Chouhan as MP’s third CM in two years in 2005, Congress’s Digvijaya Singh was quick to hurl a barb at him. “Pappu bhi pass nahi hoga,” he said, little knowing the remark wouldn’t age well.
Chouhan would go on to break Digvijaya’s record of being MP’s longest-serving CM just over a decade later.
The Congress veteran held the chair from 1993 till 2003, which remained a record until Chouhan surpassed him with 12 consecutive years in office until Kamal Nath formed a Congress government in 2018.
Much of Chouhan’s success stems from his schemes targeted at the girl child and women – the Ladli Laxmi Yojana, the Mukhya Mantri Kanya Vivaah Yojana, the Gaon Ki Beti Yojana, the Janani Suraksha Yojana or the latest dear sister Yojana.
It was with the introduction of the Ladli Laxmi Yojana 17 years ago that Chouhan earned the moniker ‘Mama’, or maternal uncle. He often said that having witnessed discrimination against girls since he was a child, he took it upon himself to make the girl child a blessing and not a burden. Such was its impact that many other states embraced the Ladli Laxmi concept.
Back in 2008, BJP had contested the election against many odds, with a new CM leading the charge amid a rebellion by erstwhile CM Uma Bharti. Worse, a large section of BJP members followed Bharti out of the party after she was expelled. She would go on to float the Bharatiya Janshakti Party. BJP won 143 seats in the election, while Bharti’s party got five of the 201 seats it contested. Bharti lost her Bada Malehra seat.
Although BJP won 30 seats fewer than in 2003, the 2008 win established Chouhan as the “people’s chief minister”. He was no longer “the CM sent from Delhi”.
There’s been no looking back since, barring one setback. In 2013, Chouhan became BJP’s poster boy and was given total charge of the assembly election by L K Advani. The electoral blow came in 2018 when Congress sent Kamal Nath to lead Congress into the battlefield.
But as subsequent events would prove, a ‘Pappu’ tag can’t keep Chouhan down.

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MP Minister Mishra: Madhya Pradesh minister Narottam Mishra loses amid BJP sweep. India News

BHOPAL: Exactly a year ago, Madhya Pradesh home minister Narottam Mishrahad hit headlines for attacking actor Deepika Padukone for wearing an “objectionable outfit” in a song in a hit movie. On Sunday, he was in the news again as he conceded defeat in the assembly elections to Congress while his party BJP swept the polls with a massive win.Mishra, known for his controversial remarks, lost to Rajendra Bharti by 7,156 votes in Datia, a seat he has been continuously winning since 2008.In the last election, Mishra had defeated Bharti by 2,656 votes. This time, Mishra got 80,492 votes against Bharti’s 87,648.
Following the Dimani assembly seat, contested by Union minister Narendra Singh Tomar, Datia was the second most popular seat in the Gwalior Chambal region of MP.
Political observers said the seat was an important one and Congress national general secretary Priyanka Gandhi had addressed a rally here.
Mishra’s name has also come up once in the race for the chief minister’s seat.

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